Rivista Italiana di Filosofia del Linguaggio 2020-02-23T21:26:16+01:00 Giusy Gallo Open Journal Systems <p><em><span lang="EN-US">Italian Journal of Philosophy of Language</span></em><span lang="EN-US"> (RIFL – Rivista Italiana di Filosofia del linguaggio) is a online-only blind peer reviewed journal publishing articles regarding theoretical and empirical research on Language, mainly in Philosophy, Semiotics, Psychology, Psychoanalysis and Epistemology. RIFL research team privileges an interdisciplinary approach, for a more broad view of language. For this reason, RIFL invites and accepts contributions from different research traditions. RIFL publishes papers in Italian, English, French, German, Spanish and Russian. Each issue is divided in two parts: a monographic one, and another for papers on different subjects (<em>Varia</em>). A specific section of RIFL is devoted to reviews.</span></p> Di sardine e d’altri linguaggi politici 2020-02-23T21:26:16+01:00 Gianfranco Marrone <p><strong>1.</strong> Al mercato di via Drapperie, a Bologna, verso la metà di novembre 2019 le sarde si vendevano tre euro al chilo. In più di una pescheria, il prezzo era uguale a sempre, nessuna variazione significativa. Eppure là accanto, nell’immensa piazza Maggiore, proprio in quei giorni sedicimila e passa sardine la stavano facendo da protagonista, strette strette, non solo producendo un risultato insperato contro l’aggressività delle destre, della lega e del sovranismo populista, ma inventando un nuova forma d’espressione politica: un flash mob ironico in nome di una figura del mondo – la sarda, appunto – non particolarmente eroica né in alcun modo prestante. Una figura che – sulla base al noto meccanismo mediatico del ‘contagio’ che, accadendo, non cessa di stupire in primo luogo chi lo ha provocato – in pochissimo tempo ha spopolato nelle piazze di mezza Italia e, sembra, non soltanto. Tutti le vogliono, tutti pretendono di esserlo: con grandi entusiasmi e tanta, tanta incertezza per l’immediato futuro.</p><p> </p><p>Leggi l'introduzione al numero:</p><br /> Copyright (c) Politiques de la sémiotique / The political stances of semiotics 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Eric Landowski <span class="fontstyle0">How does structural semiotics deal with the political field as an object of analysis ? The answer could be simple if only semiotics and politics did not constantly overlap. Indeed, the very models that have been developed in order to account for the construction of meaning (originally in narrative discourses and, today, in actual sociopolitical interactions) have in themselves a political bearing. Greimas’s standard narrative semiotics, based on manipulation, implicitly supported a view of society as a conciliation between democracy and the market. In comparison, the enlarged theory of interaction proposed today in socio-semiotics (conceived as an extension of Greimas’s approach) leads to advocate an almost entirely different political stance for the discipline, founded on the syntax of another regime of interaction and meaning, called adjustment. This regime favours ecologic rather than economic concerns, that is the recognition of the « other », at all levels — from interpersonal encounters to global policies regarding the environment —, as an equal subject whose potentialities should be respected and fulfilled, thus defining a condition for one’s own fulfilment. Endorsing such a view would mean, for semiotics, assuming and defending the political position which corresponds to the most advanced state of its theoretical development.</span> <br style="font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: -webkit-auto; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: normal; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;" /> Copyright (c) La rivoluzione del linguaggio social-ista: umori, rumori, sparate e provocazioni / The revolution of social-ist language: moods, noises, shots, provocations 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Franciscu Sedda Paolo Demuru Contemporary populism could be read as a form of <em>social-ism</em>, i.e, a political discourse marked by the languages and the <em>-isms</em> of social networks. On the basis of this assumption, the aim of this paper is to explore and analyse three specific semiotic aspects of the <em>social-ist </em>language. First, the relationship between <em>moods</em> and <em>noises</em> that characterizes the enunciation <em>in</em> and <em>of</em> the social networks, in which <em>screaming</em> plays a fundamental role. Second, the prerequisite and consequences of <em>shots/slams</em>, whose roots are to be found in the correlation between the language of social media and that of neotelevision. Third, the forms of political <em>provocation</em>, rewritten, nowadays, by the communicative and interactional logic of digital media. The reasoning we develop is inspired by the analysis of texts – tweets, Facebook and Instagram posts, messages and conversations extracted from Whatsapp public groups – taken from both the Italian and Brazilian context. Nevertheless, we believe our findings are potentially generalizable, since they seem to resume how, on an international scale, the languages ​​of politics – and, vice versa, the politics of language – are nowadays constructed and articulated Copyright (c) Retorica e utilità in Aristotele / Rhetoric and utility in Aristotle 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Adriano Bertollini In the present article I try to shed light on the Aristotelian notion of ‘useful’ (Greek ‘sympheron’). The philosopher uses it in the <em>Rhetoric</em>, where he points out that the deliberative oration has the goal of persuading about what is useful or harmful (§1). After a brief explanation of the ancient Greek terms used to mean the useful (§2), I examine (§3) its role – and that of the public discussion about it – within the political community, which is characterized by a particular form of what Aristotle calls ‘utility friendship’, the <em>political friendship</em>. The last paragraph (4) focuses on this type of <em>philia</em>. Copyright (c) Between Indefinability and Usage. Towards a philosophical understanding of Populism 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Maura Ceci Populism has become a buzzword within the political arena of the twenty-first century. It is near omnipresent in our discourse, most of the time without being tied to any particularly defined conceptualization. This proliferation of populist and meta-populist discourse results in the meaning of the term populism becoming taken for granted without ever resulting in its user’s need to feel it necessary to expand on its actual meaning. The aim of this paper is to try to shed some light on the definition of the word populism and its usage. I adopt and apply some tools proposed by Wittgenstein’s Philosophical Investigations, namely his idea of family resemblance and meaning as use. Firstly, I will consider populism as a family resemblance term. Instead of trying to entangled populism within a framework of fixed and essential features, populism should be seen as contingent and contextual intertwining of different characteristics which make us immediately recognize a phenomenon as populism. Secondly, I will propose three different uses of populism within academic literature – populism as a classifier, as an admonition and as a descriptor - in order to show how the meaning that we attributed to the term might change according to the usage we make of it. Consequently, each theory of populism advanced should be conceived in light of the scope of the analysis and the specific use we make of the word within political debate. This approach would allow us to maintain the word populism in spite of its lack of a central definition, while allowing a plurality of overlapping and conflictual meanings. Copyright (c) Slurs and the Type-Token Distinction of Their Derogatory Force 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Chang Liu Slurs are derogatory, and theories of slurs aim at explaining their “derogatory force”. This paper draws a distinction between the type derogatory force and the token derogatory force of slurs. To explain the type derogatory force is to explain why a slur is a derogatory word. By contrast, to explain the token derogatory force is to explain why an utterance of a slur is derogatory. This distinction will be defended by examples in which the type and the token derogatory force come apart. Because of the distinction, an adequate theory of slurs must be plausible for both the type and the token derogatory force. However, I will argue that many theories fail to be plausible for both. In particular, Hom’s combinatorial externalism and the conventional implicature theory offer implausible accounts of the token derogatory force, whereas the prohibitionist theory is insufficient to explain the type derogatory force. Copyright (c) Implicitation and power of choice 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Edoardo Lombardi Vallauri In democracy (and free market) the actual power of choice enjoyed by individuals is reduced by persuasive practices. The paper focuses on one of them: <em>linguistic implicits</em> when used as a strategy <em>to reduce epistemic vigilance</em> on conveyed information, ensuring acceptance of questionable or even false contents by addressees. The <em>evolutionary and cognitive bases</em> for this are briefly explored. Examples of <em>implicits of content </em>(implicatures and vague expressions) and <em>implicits of responsibility</em> (presuppositions) when exploited for persuasion in political speeches, social network posts by politicians and printed propaganda are given. The article proposes that widespread awareness of this phenomenon should be one of the indispensable ingredients for authentically democratic cohabitation. Copyright (c) The Concept of Logoclastic Violence in Carinthia 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Dejan Makovec <p>The <em>Ortstafelsturm</em>, the ‘storm on the town signs’, was a series of political events in 1972 in Carinthia, Austria, in which up to 300 individuals participated in tearing down bilingual street signs that were erected days before by the Austrian government in areas where an autochthonous Slovene minority lives. Jennifer M. Gully (2011) refers to these events as instances of <em>logoclastic</em> or ‘language-breaking’ violence. With this term Gully identifies a rather complex political phenomenon that involves a conflict over bilingualism. The term, however, goes otherwise undefined. In this paper I try to reverse-engineer Gully’s notion of logoclastic violence from the particular phenomenon it is applied to. With reference to Benedict Anderson’s and Ernest Gellner’s theories of nationalism, I argue that it can be understood as a struggle between monolingual and multilingual conceptions of an imagined community.</p> Copyright (c) La gente, gli arcobaleni e Salvini. Internet meme, viralità e politica italiana / People, rainbows and Salvini. Internet memes, online virality and Italian politics 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Gabriele Marino <p>The paper discusses the relations between political communication and online memetic communication, with particular reference to the Italian context. After a brief state of the art of the literature in point, and the synthetic presentation of a semiotic approach to viral phenomena and Internet memes, three main case studies are reviewed: the Italian Facebook page <em>Siamo la gente, il potere ci temono</em> (translatable with the broken English “We are the people, the power are afraid of us”; created in 2012), a mimetic satire linking Beppe Grillo’s Five Star Movement, conspiracy theories, and grammatical incorrectness; the spread of “rainbow profiles” over the Italian Facebook to celebrate the marriage equality sanctioned in the United States (June 27<sup>th</sup> 2015); Matteo Salvini’s “selfie” taken at the funeral of the victims of the Morandi bridge collapsed in Genoa (August 18<sup>th </sup>2018).</p> Copyright (c) La crisi del dibattito pubblico nell’Italia contemporanea: il discorso populista / The crisis of public debate in contemporary Italy: the populist discourse 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Giuseppe Paternostro <p>In this paper I discuss the current state of the so called populist political discourse in Italy. In particular my purpose is to shed light on some features of this kind of discourse in order to show the relation between language and policy in the discourse of populism. In this perspective I will follow the eight key points that, according to Diamanti &amp; Lazar (2018), identify the actual populist movements, in order to verify if – and, in that case, which – linguistic traits characterize their discourse.The analysis will be focused on the semantic and argumentative aspects of the discourse of some of the most important political actors in contemporary Italy.</p> Copyright (c) Linguaggio e violenza in Hannah Arendt: una prospettiva retorica / Language and violence in Hannah Arendt: a rhetorical perspective 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Mauro Serra <p>Arendt’s thought appears promising to investigate the relationship between language and violence. On the one hand, she devoted a deep reflection to the theme of violence, which culminated in the 1969 text <em>On violence</em>. On the other, she developed a ‘communicative conception of power’ in which the eminently linguistic practice of persuasion and the conflict (<em>agōn</em>) between different opinions constituted the foundation of political action. Despite this, however, for Arendt language and violence remain two substantially distinct phenomena. This paper will try to show why this happens and to suggest that another theoretical path would have been possible by attributing a different role and nature to rhetoric.</p> Copyright (c) Il linguaggio della paura: la strategia social mediale di Matteo Salvini / The language of fear: Matteo Salvini's social media strategy 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Bianca Terracciano Through the semiotic analysis of tweets and posts shared by Matteo Salvini over the period 2012-2019, were selected the dysphoric patemical isotopies of his electoral discourse, among which fear stands out. Salvini often argues his ideological positions through fear and is also thanks to the continuous expression of his frames of mind that he is the most followed Italian politician on social networks, because he is considered by the public as a true, genuine, human character, proud of his emotions. Salvini continually updates its characterizing affective dispositions through terms such as “disgusting”, “bulldozer”, “invasion”, or through images with «strong referential density» (Bertrand 2000: 246, trans. mine), or via Facebook live videos, realized in selfie mode to enhance every expression of his face. Salvini topics are linked by passionate ties, which oscillate between euphoria and dysphoria, designed to triggering in the public an emotional involvement aimed at the primary needs and at the exaltation of the evocative power of Italianness, whose stereotyped representation educates the expression of the value judgments oriented by sovereignty and populism. Therefore, some exemplary social media texts will be proposed to demonstrate how Matteo Salvini has built and continues to build his discourse by modulating various types of fear. Copyright (c) Phénoménologie et concept à partir et à revenir / Phenomenolgy and concepts. Headway and backward 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Maurizio Candiotto <p>Investigating the concept formation appeals to an interplay between Dummett-style, Frege-rooted analytic philosophy and Husserl’s phenomenology. The latter is itself both evoked by and called to such an investigation: for conceiving, as such, is akin to performing the phenomenological attitude, so that, if suitably approched to, it leads until the very extreme depth of phenomenology itself, namely to the primoridal temporality of phenomena, inasmuch these reach to the virtual components of judgments. Where such components do of course need in turn, to that effect, to be purportedly investigated according to the phenomenological method.</p> Copyright (c) Gli atti del rifiuto nel teatro di Eduardo De Filippo (studio pragmatico) / Speech acts of refusal in the the theater of Eduardo De Filippo (pragmatic study) 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Neama Abdelaty Mohamed Ahmed <p>This study aims to examine the refusal strategies in Four Plays by Eduardo De Filippo: <em>Ditegli sempre di sì</em>, <em>Il cilindro</em>, <em>Il contratto </em>and <em>Gli esami non finiscono mai</em>. we realized that there are no Italian studies that investigate the speech acts of refusal in the theater, to the best of our knowledge. The speech act of refusal was, instead, an object of contrastive studies that aim to highlight the similarities and/or differences between the refusal strategies performed by different speakers, both native and non-native. The introduction presents the objectives and importance of the study. In the theoretical framework we referred to the speech act theory, as emerges from the works of Austin and Searle, and to the typology of refusals proposed by Beebe et al. (1990). Then we classified the acts of refusal collected from the corpus, we calculated the frequency of refusal strategies according to direct and indirect strategies, and the effect of interlocutor sex on strategy use. The conclusions include the study results.</p> Copyright (c) M. Merleau-Ponty, 2019, La prosa del mondo, a cura di P. Dalla Vigna, Introduzione di C. Sini, Mimesis, Milano-Udine 2019. 2020-02-23T19:25:38+01:00 Stefano Oliva Copyright (c)